Pages

Showing posts with label labels. Show all posts
Showing posts with label labels. Show all posts

Friday, August 13, 2021

A fetus is a child is a baby is a patient - 5 reasons to use the terms interchangeably

Today's guest post is written by John Bockmann. You can also view his article as a Twitter thread here.

My older daughter, Emily, at 8 weeks’ gestation: “BABY.”



If you’ve ever debated abortion, you’ve probably noticed it’s nearly impossible to discuss the actual topic. Instead, the exchange rapidly devolves into accusations—often, that you’re using inaccurate terminology. This irate doctor’s tweet is a good example: 


“A fetus is not a baby. A fetus is not an unborn or a preborn baby or child...”


But that’s incorrect: a fetus is a child is a baby is a patient, and the objection is strange if it’s meant to clarify medical terminology. But it’s not. It’s meant to rattle opponents and justify abortion, or at least obscure it. Let’s take a closer look.


1. First, crucially: abortion is killing. Since killing is not medical care, there is no requirement to use medical terminology and a lot of reasons to avoid it.


2. Second, nomenclature is an odd sticking point if the woman’s bodily autonomy is our only concern. What we call her womb-dweller—fetus, parasite, baby—should be irrelevant under this paradigm. Paradoxically, then, squabbling about terminology screams the fact that there is a baby, a morally relevant person, killed in every abortion. 


(Irate doctor strikes again)


3. Third, the terms “maternal” and “maternal patient,” commonly used in reference to the pregnant woman, imply she is a mother, which implies she has an unborn child. “Pregnant” itself means “with child”—“having a baby or babies developing inside the womb.”




4. Fourth, the fetus is a patient in her own right. Sir Albert Liley, an atheist who performed the first successful fetal blood transfusion in 1963, conceived the medical science of fetology. In 1966, Journal of the American Medical Association noted his contribution, observing that “the fetus is a treatable patient.” 


“My own practice makes it very clear,” he wrote in 1974, “that in modern obstetrics, we are caring for two individuals, mother and baby.” 


Perhaps no two individuals illustrate Liley’s point more vividly than Julie Armas and her son, Samuel Armas.  



The two underwent surgery to repair a lesion on Samuel’s back when he was a 21-week fetus. During surgery, he poked his left hand through an incision in his mother’s uterus and reflexively grabbed the surgeon’s finger. He took his first breath 15 weeks later. 


Indeed, we are caring for two individuals. Maternal-fetal medicine is booming. Fetal surgery occurs at centers around the world. Williams’ Obstetrics 16th Edition said it well in 1980, and it’s even truer today: “Happily, we have entered an era in which the fetus can be rightfully considered and treated as our second patient.” 


5. Finally, and obviously, the irate doctor is mistaken: "fetus," "baby," "child," and even "patient" are standard terms for an unborn human being. In fact, “child” is the original, specific term for a prenatal human. The wider sense of “young person before the onset of puberty” came later.



Either sense is appropriate today: “Child: an unborn or recently born person,” says Merriam-Webster. The Oxford English Dictionary agrees.


But even if we consent to only call the unborn human-thing a “fetus,” which simply means “offspring,” the definitions for those terms include “baby” and “child.” We’re back to our original position.




As we would expect, there are many, many articles in professional and consumer-oriented literature referring to the fetus as a baby or child. Here are some.


  • Google Scholar has 22,800 results for “unborn baby” and 73,500 results for “unborn child.”

  • Mayo Clinic’s “Pregnancy week by week” includes 10 mentions of baby. Babycenter’s version mentions baby 55 times.

  • Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists’ 2010 study on fetal pain—one of two most frequently cited articles on the subject—calls the fetus a “baby” 27 times.

  • The United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of the Child affirms that “the child, by reason of his physical and mental immaturity, needs special safeguards and care, including appropriate legal protection, before as well as after birth.”

  • Cleveland Clinic’s summary of fetal development includes 83 mentions of baby: “At the moment of fertilization, your baby’s genetic make-up is complete, including its sex.”

  • Judith Arcana, an abortion pioneer and advocate, calls the aborted fetus “a baby whose life is ended,” adding, “We—in the States—have dealt heavily, up to now, in euphemism…we have been unwilling to talk to women about what it means to abort a baby…I think this is a mistake tactically and strategically, and I think it’s wrong. And indeed, it has not worked…”

  • Leroy Carhart, a physician who has performed abortions for many years, says: “I think that it is a baby. I use [the term] with patients.”


So the fetus is a child is a baby is a patient. 


What, then, is behind the insistence that “A fetus is not a baby”? I think it’s an attempt to:


  1. protect oneself psychologically from the violent reality of abortion. Inserting a cold, clinical term for a familiar, sympathetic one creates an emotional buffer. As Jesse Jackson said in 1977, when he was pro-life: “They never talk about aborting a baby because that would imply something human. Rather they talk about aborting the fetus. Fetus sounds less than human and therefore can be justified.”

  2. intimidate and stifle pro-lifers to keep them on the back foot. If pro-lifers don’t know the proper terminology or are misrepresenting it, then they’re not credible, their arguments may be dismissed, and the illusion of killing-to-heal can metastasize.

  3. lend medical legitimacy to killing--an approach with a long and sordid history.


Regardless of what we call a tiny prenatal human, though, I think few of our foes intellectually doubt the humanity of the fetus. Most of the resistance is instead emotional, and inaccessible to reason. The avoidance is psychologically protective for them, but it exacts a toll, and at least some of them yearn to be led out of their views. 


But they won’t submit to someone they despise. The way forward, then, is to engage them on an emotional level first: cheerfully, wryly, calmly, curiously, firmly, perhaps with a wink, but always with kindness and confidence. Then, and only then, roll out facts like these. Proudly.

Wednesday, May 12, 2021

As pro-choice activists pivot to a more pro-abortion view, will average Americans go along?

Actress Martha Plimpton models her "Abortion" dress

It seems pro-choice activists are divided into two camps:
  1. Abortion is unfortunate but necessary. It should be safe, legal, and rare.
  2. Abortion is liberating and praiseworthy. It should be available on demand, without apology.
For this post, I'm referring to group 1 as "pro-choice" and group 2 as "pro-abortion." (Note that plenty of people in group 2 also refer to themselves as pro-abortion.)

The pro-abortion group gets exasperated when pro-choicers talk about abortion as if it were in any way problematic. Pro-abortion people dislike the phrase "safe, legal, and rare" because "rare" implies abortion is undesirable in some way. In her article "Dear Politicians, put 'Safe, Legal, and Rare' in the Dustbin," Renee Bracey Sherman argues:
Demanding abortion be "rare" is stigmatizing at its core; it posits that having an abortion is a bad decision and one that a pregnant person shouldn't have to make, and if they do, it must be in the direst of circumstances. This messaging tells those of us who've had abortions that we did something wrong to need an abortion, and we shouldn't do it again. It unfairly stigmatizes people who will have more than one abortion, which is nearly half of abortion patients.

On the blog for the National Women's Law Center, Yumhee Park claims:

The media often paints abortion as a divisive political issue, but here's the truth: abortion actually is an act of love, an act of compassion, an act of healing, and an act of selflessness. 

It makes sense that these authors omit any acknowledgement of the humans killed in abortion. If embryos and fetuses are amoral clumps of cells, they have no interests and no place in ethical discussions, just as we wouldn't consider the perspective of tumors when we discuss cancer treatment. Given the premise, I get the logic. I just wonder how many people really believe the premise.

In any case, for pro-abortion people it isn't enough that elective abortion stay legal. It should also be, at minimum, stigma-free, but preferably honored and celebrated (and paid for by the government). These aren't new demands, but they do seem to be made with increasing vigor and volume. 

I'm curious to see how this shift plays out. If the anti-abortion view is that abortion is immoral and should be illegal throughout pregnancy, and the pro-abortion view is that abortion is morally good and should be legal throughout pregnancy, most Americans agree with neither. Polls find that, when it comes to timing, Americans are generally accepting of first trimester abortions and not of later ones, and when it comes to reasoning, people are much more likely to support abortions due to medical problems than for any reason. And these results include significant numbers of women, Democrats, and (to a lesser extent) even people who refer to themselves as "pro-choice."

From time to time I still see pro-choicers insist "no one is pro-abortion," but the claim seems to be less popular than it used to be. As the abortion rights side pivots from "safe, legal, and rare" to "on demand without apology," what effect will this shift have on average Americans? Maybe they'll see this mentality as a reductive extremism they can't abide and feel pushed more toward the pro-life side. That's my hope. But it's possible they'll be radicalized by a new "pro-abortion" normal. That's my fear.

[Related post - How #ShoutYourAbortion Changed My Mind]

Friday, February 26, 2021

Marist poll finds common ground in the abortion debate (Mexico City Policy, Roe v. Wade, Down Syndrome abortions)

A recent Marist poll took a nuanced look at Americans' views of abortion. The poll is interesting because it digs further into people's stances than most polls do. Worth noting:

  • 17% of people who call themselves "pro-life" think abortion should be legal either during the first three months of pregnancy, first six months of pregnancy, or any time.
  • 20% of people who call themselves "pro-choice" think either abortion should never be permitted under any circumstance or should be legal only in cases of rape/incest or to save the mother's life.
  • Overall, only 12% of Americans think abortion should never be permitted under any circumstance and only 15% think it should be legal through all of pregnancy. The other 73% are somewhere in between.

Saturday, February 2, 2019

Take heart, the pro-life side is doing well.

I know it's been a frustrating couple weeks with NY, VA, and the many conversations that have ensued. But big picture, guys:

1) Abortion rates continue to decline. They peaked at 29.3 abortions per 1,000 women in 1980; in 2014 it was 14.6.

2) Abortion clinics continue to close every year.

>>The number of U.S. abortion clinics or medical facilities that perform more than 400 abortions annually, peaked in the late 1980s at 705. By 2011, 553 remained. The clinics have been closing at a record pace, according to a new Bloomberg analysis: One-hundred-sixty-two have closed since 2011, while 22 have opened.<<

3) More women are carrying unplanned pregnancies to term.

>>In 1981, 54 percent of unintended pregnancies resulted in an abortion. By 2011 that figure had fallen to 42 percent. Additionally, preliminary analysis of more recent data indicates that percentage has continued to fall during the past several years.<<

4) Over the last few decades, significantly more people consider themselves pro-life (see Gallup), and that trend is holding fast even as the public veers more left-wing on other issues (e.g. LGBT issues, drug legalization).

So take heart, people. Never give up, never surrender!


Wednesday, May 3, 2017

"Is it possible to be pro-choice and feminist?"


[Today's guest post by Acyutananda is part of our paid blogging program.]

So far as I know, the recent “Why Can’t a Feminist Be Pro-Life?” panel at the Catholic University of America marked the first time that pro-choice feminists, who are the feminist mainstream, entered a formal setting where they found undeniable confirmation of the existence of pro-life feminists, and had to grapple with pro-life feminist minds. If “the winning future for the pro-life movement is . . . young, feminist, and disproportionately people of color,” as Prof. Charles Camosy has written, that event may have had an importance that is hard to estimate. But here I will simply outline most of the arguments on each side, while attempting an evaluation of only a few of them. Then I will try to identify a few of the highlights and illuminating moments.

The arguments really concerned not just one, but three issues:
  1. whether a feminist should be pro-choice or pro-life
  2. whether abortion can be moral
  3. whether abortion should be legal.
In looking at the arguments, I would like to focus first on two that came up, one from the pro-life side and one from the pro-choice side, that I would like to see all of us phase out:

In relation to issue 3 above, pro-lifers often point out that legal abortion is called “pro-choice,” and then proceed to object (as at 15:43 in the video) “It’s not pro-choice when we feel like we have no choice.” This quip does make a good point about social conditions, but it is framed as if it demolishes either the term “pro-choice” or the pro-choice policy; and does it really succeed in doing either? I think that all this argument really does is to play on two different meanings of the word “choice.” There is no real inconsistency here in pro-choicers’ position.

Then from the pro-choice side we regularly hear a guilt-by-association argument that could be called the “pro-birth argument.” The argument goes, in effect, “Because many who identify as pro-life on abortion hold obnoxious positions and harm women’s interests on other issues, the pro-life position on abortion must also be obnoxious and harmful to women’s interests.” On the panel, this was the argument on which Pamela Merritt mainly relied (though she did refer, more briefly, to some other arguments).

Merritt certainly argued convincingly and memorably that many pro-life politicians are destructive in many ways to the well-being of the female gender (and everyone else). But what does that really prove in terms of whether abortion is moral, whether abortion should be legal, or whether a feminist should be pro-choice or pro-life? As an argument against the pro-life positions even of the Missouri politicians she focused on, hers was an ad hominem, and against the pro-life positions of three of her fellow panelists, it was a strawman as well.

Differences of perception about the moral value of the unborn are the single main source of the big divide in the abortion debate overall, and those differences were key to understanding the divide between the two groups of panelists at CUA also. (Though bodily-rights arguments normally accept the personhood of the unborn in a nominal way, I contend that even in such arguments, pro-choicers’ particular perception about the humanity of the unborn, or rather their perception that the unborn lack humanity, is the real subtext.) “. . . when life begins [is a] question with no answers that can be proven” came up (at 11:25) in the first presentation, that of Megan Klein-Hattori, and was echoed by the other two on the pro-choice side. Robin Marty put her finger on that question as the key, saying at 50:31 “We’re not disagreeing on the definition of ‘equality,’ and we’re not disagreeing on the definition of ‘feminism.’ We’re disagreeing on the definition of ‘people’.”

And when she said that, things came to a head. Aimee Murphy suggested that the word “person” could be dispensed with, since “if we’re talking human rights” what we want to know is who is a human. “At the moment of fertilization you have two human gametes; they fuse; it’s a member of the same species.” Merritt tried to dismiss that with “We’ve got science on one side, we’ve got science on the other side,” but Murphy shot back, “Do you have an embryology textbook that can back that up?” Merritt replied, “For every textbook that you have, there has been a textbook produced on the other side.” The two were not in a situation where they could immediately produce their documentation, so that discussion ended there. But I think that anyone who does delve into the documentation will decide that Murphy won that debate.

Marty’s above input had come in response to Murphy’s main argument for issues 1, 2 and 3 above. Murphy had said in her opening presentation (29:18) that she is “dedicated to . . . the core principles of feminism: equality, non-discrimination, and non-violence.” She had also said, “I push for . . . the abolition of the social construct that holds the wombless male body as normative. . . . if the male body is seen as the norm, then pregnancy is seen as a disease condition.” This last point is not an argument in relation to issue 2 or 3 above, but it is an argument in relation to 1. The institution of legal abortion, to the extent that it seems designed as a crutch without which women cannot be equal to men, helps perpetuate a negative perception of femaleness, and thus denigrates femaleness.

That presentation of Murphy’s ended with: “If feminism is truly in support of equality of human beings, then my question is actually ‘Is it possible to be pro-choice and feminist?’ ”

At 18:13 Merritt said, “Feminism is an action agenda to secure the social, economic and political equality of women. The pro-life movement seeks to deny women access to abortion . . .” She clearly meant that lack of access to abortion will undermine women’s equality. But this contains a big assumption – the assumption that being equal often requires being unpregnant, and that there are not ways to be both pregnant and equal. See “Next Steps for the Pro-Life Feminist Movement.”

At 37:37 Merritt offered the common argument that abortion can’t be prevented and that therefore the only issue is whether it will be done safely. At another point Klein-Hattori said the same. But I’m convinced it’s not true that laws cannot save unborn lives; see “A Pro-Life Feminist Balance Sheet.”

At 37:43 Merritt said, “Women have been controlling their reproductive lives since the dawn of women.” See Herndon-De La Rosa’s reply below.

Though the bodily-rights argument is the strongest pro-choice argument in relation to issues 2 and 3 above, and also important in relation to 1, the pro-choicers on the panel mentioned it surprisingly little. I have discussed it elsewhere and will not try to evaluate it here. As another pro-choice argument that I won’t try to evaluate here, but that clearly leaves some things unexplained, Klein-Hattori said (at 9:20) that “all reproductive rights, including to abortion. . . . are central to feminist politics . . .” At 39:37 Merritt suggested that access to abortion results in “communities that are free from violence and oppression.” Beyond observing that this sounds awfully ironic, I won’t try to evaluate it here. And as a pro-life argument that resonates with my intuition but might not with everyone’s, see Cessilye Smith’s remark below about “barbaric.”

The highlights, for me:

Aimee Murphy at 91:22: “I am 100% for restricting abortion and making it illegal in all cases, as with all forms of aggressive violence.”

Destiny Herndon-De La Rosa and Cessilye Smith do not advocate legal restrictions on abortion as many pro-lifers do, but with their clear-eyed grip on the humanity of the unborn and their passion that the right choice be made, no one could be more pro-life than they. At 41:00 Herndon-De La Rosa said (in reply to Merritt), “. . . there’s a lot of horrible atrocities that have been around since the dawn of time. We exploit people. We objectify others. We have slaves and human trafficking. . . . there’s all these things that we see for the evil that they are. But any time in history that we have had one group . . . and said this group . . . is less than human, we always look back with horror that we have done that. . . . And I think that in the future, we will look back and say the same thing about the unborn.”

At 24:17 Cessilye Smith said of abortion, “We put a pretty bow on it and we call it empowerment. . . . We have taken something completely barbaric and attempted to normalize it . . . . we’ve made abortion . . . a pillar of feminism. Something is wrong with that.”

Other illuminating moments:

Klein-Hattori and Merritt found their stereotypes of pro-lifers exploded. Merritt said at 90:20 “What you’re describing is not pro-life that I experience and that millions of people experience . . . [it] is really blowing my mind.” Klein-Hattori said at 67:40 “One of the things that has me most excited is to hear the way that the pro-life women up here are talking.”

Merritt said at 47:34: “I don’t view abortion as evil at all. I think abortion is a really important social good.”

At 9:28 Klein-Hattori said, “I’m proud to donate to Planned Parenthood.” (Attention Congress: Planned Parenthood does not need tax money.)

The discussion was more than civil, it was very friendly. All seemed to feel that hearts were in the right place. Seeing that some pro-lifers I admired felt the pro-choicers’ hearts were in the right place, I was forced to try that attitude myself!

What’s the answer?
So is it possible to be pro-choice and feminist? In the discussion we saw a mixture of principle-based arguments and utilitarian arguments. (One does not need to be a utilitarian to feel that utilitarian outcomes should not be ignored.) Smith’s “barbaric” is a principle-based argument. Merritt’s argument about better communities is a utilitarian argument. Personally I feel that the pro-life side wins with either philosophical approach, and wins both in the moral dimension and the legal dimension.

Those who find it inconceivable that American women could benefit in a utilitarian way from making abortion illegal are usually overlooking, first and foremost, one simple thing: the fact that most American women, if faced with an unplanned pregnancy, would not choose to get an abortion even if it is legal. So right off the bat, most American women have nothing to gain from the institution of legal abortion; while that group of women win in several ways, though perhaps not obvious ways, if it is illegal. Let’s start with that reality and go on and do the math.

Wednesday, February 22, 2017

"Pro-choice" is NOT morally neutral


[Today's guest post by Perri is part of our paid blogging program.]

A common self-perception that I have noticed among the pro-choice crowd is one of moral neutrality. Many see their position not as one which condones abortion, but as one which simply chooses not to answer the question of whether abortion is right or wrong. Some may even say “Well, personally I would never get an abortion (or encourage my partner to get an abortion), but I support a woman’s right to choose.”

They think that by removing themselves from the “choice,” they are removing themselves from the moral responsibility. Let’s test this approach with other laws. “Personally I wouldn’t rape anyone but I support a man’s right to choose” and “Personally I wouldn’t rob someone’s home, but I support a person’s right to choose” are clearly not morally neutral positions to take. It is, in fact, immoral to support someone’s right to choose an action that harms someone else. So, why the exception for abortion?

What initially appears to be mere hypocrisy reveals itself, upon further examination, to be an indication of the speaker’s true position. To see “pro-choice” as a morally neutral stance is to deny the personhood of the fetus, plain and simple. This stance implies that the fetus’ life is not worth the same level of protection and justice under the law as is afforded anyone else’s life. It is, essentially, to paint abortion as a victimless crime.

This inaccurate portrayal of the pro-choice position may be a thoughtless mistake for some, but it is a useful strategy for others. Framing pro-choice as the morally neutral, intellectually detached, “reasonable” position serves an important purpose—to paint the pro-life stance as fanatical, irrational, and extreme. We must fight this perception fiercely, as this is one of the main reasons why many people are turned off by the term “pro-life” and are shocked to learn that there are groups and individuals within the pro-life movement that are secular, feminist, and even sex-positive.

The next time you hear someone shrug their shoulders and say “It’s up to the woman. Who am I to decide?”, ask them if they think abortion is a victimless crime. Implore them to consider the life and perspective of the fetus. Explain to them that abortion is not an issue where one can comfortably sit on the fence, deaf to the scientific facts and blind to considerations of morality, ethics, and justice. This conversation will, at the very least, get them to glance over to our side of the fence, and, perhaps, start to lean in and wobble, losing poise on a previously sturdy point…

Monday, January 2, 2017

A response to Shawna Kay Rodenberg


Shortly before Christmas, Salon published an article that surprised me. I almost didn't read it, because I'm not a big Salon fan; it's home to many anti-choicers-hate-women screeds, and I still have some lingering distrust from the publication's anti-vaccine days (although there appears to have been some improvement on that front in the years since Robert Kennedy's infamous rant). But this article came to me from a trusted friend, so I opened the link.

The title: How to argue with your relatives about abortion: A few arguments that don’t work with pro-lifers and some that might. The lede: "If you anticipate an argument over abortion politics with Aunt Cheryl at this year's family dinner, read this first." Already I was groaning. Aunt Cheryl? You know Millennials are more pro-life than Aunt Cheryl's generation, right?

But I kept reading. I'm so glad I did.

Kudos are due to author Shawna Kay Rodenberg for the single most intellectually honest pro-choice piece I have ever encountered. So please allow me to engage, section by section, with her do's and don't's for convincing Aunt Cheryl. (For the sake of not repeating her entire article, I'm mostly quoting the thesis statements of each paragraph. I do encourage you to read the whole thing.)
First, acknowledge that abortion isn’t only a conservative Christian concern.
This opening made me do a double take. THANK YOU.
Don’t argue semantics like using “anti-abortion” versus “pro-life.”
Agreed, this is a waste of time. Likewise, insisting on using "pro-abortion" for someone who prefers "pro-choice" is also a waste of time.
Remember that her news feed does not resemble yours. If she keeps pro-life company, she is daily inundated with graphic images of mangled babies and brutal videos of late-term miscarriages and forceps-requiring stillbirths being passed off as abortions.
Okay, this is a little much. Yes, I see images and videos of miscarried children—from pro-life parents who suffered miscarriages and want to showcase the humanity of their deceased children. They're not pretending to have had abortions, nor am I "daily inundated," and if you want to see footage of actual abortions you may do so here.

A much more common sight in my news feed, I'd say approximately once a week, is the latest news about a woman maimed or injured at an abortion facility. The movement (particularly Operation Rescue) keeps good track of ambulance calls. Health inspection failures, too.
Never say that a fetus is not a baby or argue that it is not alive. Pro-life women are disgusted by the “vagina as magic portal”-style pro-choice argument in which some dark magic takes place during birth that transforms a fetus into a person. Even if you maintain that independent breathing marks the beginning of life, many premature infants cannot breathe on their own, but we still call them infants, not fetuses. Concede the human-ness of the fetus.

Thank you for that. Moving on:
Don’t argue that abortion gives a woman autonomy over her body. In doing so, you infer that the woman’s body is the only one involved, and whether you believe a fetus should have civil rights or not, we must all admit that it does in fact have a body, a tiny physical manifestation. Denying that it does ensures you will lose the argument.
This is the point where I started wondering why Ms. Rodenberg supports abortion at all. Her very next paragraph sheds some light:
This argument also ignores our collective tendency to fetishize maternal sacrifice. Who doesn’t adore at least one of the hundreds of movies in which a woman is transformed by motherhood and makes great personal sacrifices, or even dies, to save her child? American politicians on both sides consistently fail to demonstrate that women have as much value as men or children, so you should not be surprised that Aunt Cheryl is most concerned with the rights of the child.
I also happen to like movies where fathers sacrifice for children, and movies where strangers sacrifice for children. Hollywood should make more of those. Sacrificing for children, paying it forward to the next generation, should be a moral and societal value for all adults, not just mothers. I'm not saying misogyny doesn't exist—it clearly does—but the solution to women's oppression is not violence toward unborn children.
Don’t argue against adoption as a viable alternative or say that it’s unreasonable to expect a woman to give up nine months of her life, that she might lose her job, that her health might be compromised. Again, you are likely talking with a person who idolizes maternal sacrifice and does not realize how little she thinks about the experiences of women, who probably voted for a man who boasted about sexually assaulting women simply because he could, just so she could save babies.
Sigh... so many assumptions here. Let me just take the obvious one: Trump's candidacy was extremely controversial among pro-lifers. A long list of pro-life leaders joined an open letter begging Iowa GOP primary voters to pick anyone else. I myself voted third party.
Don’t talk about exceptions for cases of rape. ... Aunt Cheryl will never believe those few cases justify the continued slaughter of millions of innocent lives.
True. Next:
Never contend that abortion is a single issue and there are other issues of equal importance. For the pro-lifer, there is no issue that trumps life. Many of them refer to contemporary America as a “culture of death,” which might be confusing for anti-war, anti-death penalty liberals, but pro-lifers not only support the rights of the fetus; they also tend to rally against Kevorkian-like practices; they do not support mercy killings.
And a lot of us are anti-war and anti-death penalty, too.

Having exhausted the most popular ad hominem attacks and anti-scientific blather used by the abortion lobby, I wondered... what's left? Here are Ms. Rodenberg's arguments:
Emphasize the importance of pregnancy prevention. Tell your Aunt Cheryl that the vibrant presence of many organizations advocating for women’s health, such as the leviathan Planned Parenthood, decreases the number of abortions women seek. At least you’re acknowledging that abortion is not ideal and she will appreciate that.
I'm all about pregnancy prevention, but if Aunt Cheryl is actively pro-life, she'll know that the pro-life efforts to defund Planned Parenthood are not proposed cuts to contraceptive funding; the proposal is to reallocate those dollars to federally qualified health centers (FQHCs) that treat low-income women on a sliding scale. FQHCs have far more locations than Planned Parenthood, and don't commit abortions.

And now, sadly, we go off the rails:
Unintended pregnancies carry risks for the child, too. ... Children of unintended pregnancies are less likely to succeed in school, more likely to be poor and receive government assistance and eventually more likely to participate in criminal activity. In your Aunt Cheryl’s sheltered mind palace, every woman loves her baby. Remind her that is not always the case, that not all women are cut out to be mothers. Of course, she will begin ranting about personal responsibility and accountability.
I don't know what Aunt Cheryl will rant about, but here's what I'll rant about: People are not better off dead because they don't get good grades in school, you psycho. People are not better off dead because they are poor or receive government assistance. That liberal elite bubble everybody's been talking about since November 8? Here it is. "Sheltered mind palace" indeed. Have you ever even met a low-income person? Maybe try asking them how they value their lives. And don't even get me started on the logic that we should kill "unintended" babies because they might grow up to participate in crime. Weren't you opposed to the death penalty a few paragraphs ago?

Ms. Rodenberg, these are my friends you're talking about, and there is more than a hint of eugenicist, racist thinking in your argument. This is the point where I stopped engaging politely and with an open mind.

Fittingly, the rest of the article is all about Aunt Cheryl's assumed Christianity, because we forgot the first paragraph, apparently.

Despite the disappointing ending, this article was still leaps and bounds ahead of most online abortion advocacy these days. I expect Ms. Rodenberg has received or will receive a lot of flack from her compatriots for calling abortion "not ideal," deviating from the new narrative that abortion is a great thing responsible for women's success in life.

Monday, June 6, 2016

Poll results: Who is part of the pro-life movement?

Last Friday we posted a 2 question poll about who you consider "pro-lifers" and who you consider part of the "pro-life movement."

The point of the poll was to explore how people define these terms. We considered four factors:

  1. Whether a person is politically active in fighting abortion.
  2. Whether a person thinks abortion should be illegal.
  3. Whether a person thinks abortion is immoral.
  4. Whether a person offers social support to pregnant or parenting people.

You can read the descriptions of our 8 hypothetical people on last Friday's post, but here are the variables in chart form:


To our frustration, due to technical problems we couldn't analyze the answers to the question "Who are the pro-lifers?" We're sorry about that.

But at the time we analyzed the data (Sunday evening PST), we did have 130 people cast a total of 375 votes for who belongs to the pro-life movement. Here is the chart reordered from most accepted to least accepted person. The column on the far right is the percent of voters who cast a vote for that person (remember voters could pick as many of the 8 people as they liked).


A few notes:
  • 76% of the people who voted picked 3 people or less. Most of them picked people who think abortion should be illegal.
  • David, Anthony, and Mike are nearly tied. Apparently if a person doesn't take some kind of action based on their beliefs, it doesn't make much difference what they believe.
  • Given Elena got more votes than Anthony or even David, it seems voters value social support more than anti-abortion beliefs alone.
  • However voters valued political activism above all. Lucas was the ideal because he covered all fronts, but Christine wasn't terribly far behind. And Christine got a lot more votes than Jen, even though both think abortion is wrong and should be illegal. Christine took political action, and Jen offered social support. It seems if voters have to pick between the two, they value political action more.
There were a few voters who chose "Other" and gave written explanations, which included:
  • "They all contribute to the pro-life movement in some way."
  • "All seem part-time pro-life. Like most people, unfortunately."
  • "All these people all are part of the *pro-life movement* - there is a need for all aspects of the community to take action on all levels." [This comment went on to mention other consistent life issues but got cut off for some reason.]
  • "None." [Presumably meant none of the 8 people are part of the pro-life movement.]
We also had several people comment about their thought processes on our FB post for the poll. It was great to see how many people said the poll got them thinking about our assumptions of what "pro-life movement" means.

I wish a real polling group like Gallup or Pew Research would put forth the same poll to a large number of people representing the demographics of the country. I'd be very interested to see how people who aren't necessarily involved with our movement define the term "pro-live movement." How do you think the answers might change?

And just for fun, here are all the locations people voted from, in alphabetical order. Is your area on the list?


Al Asimah
Alabama
Alberta
Auckland
British Columbia
California
Cambridgeshire
Capital Region
Caraga
Clare
Colorado
Community of Madrid
Connecticut
District of Columbia
England
Flanders
Florida
Georgia
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Kansas
Louisiana
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
Missouri
Nebraska
Nevada
New Jersey
New South Wales
New York
North Carolina
Ohio
Ontario
Oregon
Oxfordshire
Pennsylvania
Plovdiv
Prahova
Quebec
Queensland
Rhode Island
San Jose
Saskatchewan
South Australia
South Dublin
Tennessee
Texas
Tyrol
Victoria
Virginia
Washington
Wisconsin

Friday, June 3, 2016

Poll: Who are the pro-lifers?



Descriptions:

Lucas is a business owner who offers paid maternity leave. He also writes letters protesting abortion to his political representatives and local newspapers whenever the opportunity comes up.

Elizabeth is a stay-at-home mom who thinks abortion is wrong. She does what she can to help women not feel they need it; for example, when her young neighbor accidentally got pregnant, Elizabeth offered to babysit for free while the girl goes to classes during the week. However, Elizabeth doesn’t think we should outlaw abortion because she’s worried that will just make abortion more dangerous, not more rare.

Christine thinks abortion is wrong and should be illegal. She goes on marches and joins protests. She’s done a lot of work gathering signatures for a ballot initiative in her state to outlaw abortion after 20 weeks. As far as the social end of things, she doesn’t think it’s everyone else’s job to save women from their own reckless choices.

Mike thinks pregnancy shouldn’t be so socially and financially difficult for women, and he’ll say so if it gets brought up. He doesn’t really have time to help out beyond that, though, and he definitely doesn’t think abortion is wrong, much less that it should be outlawed.

Jen works to get lactation rooms, diaper decks, and other parent-friendly resources on her college campus. She thinks it should be easier for mothers (and parents in general) to access education. She thinks abortion should be illegal, but she never quite gets around to voting on the subject.

Elena volunteers with a local battered women’s shelter. She also does a lot of work in her community to make sure low-income pregnant women have access to prenatal and postpartum care. However, if one of the women she serves decides abortion is the right choice for her, Elena supports that choice.

Anthony thinks abortion is a horrible act that kills a child, but he’s also seen women he knows go through hell because of crisis pregnancies. He doesn’t think it’s his place to take the choice away, so he doesn’t get involved.

David doesn’t consider himself a political person. If asked, he’s say that yeah, abortion does seem wrong, and it probably should be more illegal than it is now. But he doesn’t know a lot about it and no one in his life ever brings it up anyway.

(Update: you can see the poll results here.)


Polls:

Who are the pro-lifers?

Lucas
Elizabeth
Christine
Mike
Jen
Elena
Anthony
David
Other
Please Specify:
polls


Who is part of the pro-life movement?

Lucas
Elizabeth
Christine
Mike
Jen
Elena
Anthony
David
Other
Please Specify:
create surveys